Behavioral economic research demonstrates that alcohol and drug consumption is (a) an inverse function of constraints on access to the substance and (b) a direct function of constraints on access to alternative rewards. Physical distancing interventions and economic consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic have resulted in unprecedented reductions in many of the constraints on substance use and in critical evolutionarily salient sources of alternative reward, such as social interaction, physical activity, leisure activities and hobbies, and academic and occupational pursuits. Thus, behavioral economics suggests that the pandemic and necessary public health response have created a "perfect storm" for exacerbation of individual-level and population-level substance use problems and also points to multilevel intervention strategies. We summarize this perspective and research by highlighting 3 critical behavioral processes that will influence drug and alcohol consumption. First, the sudden absence of many effective constraints on substance use (work, school, community, or service obligations) will reduce the actual and perceived cost of use. Second, physical distancing measures will reduce the availability, and increase the cost, of many rewarding substance-free activities and commodities. Third, increased uncertainty around current and future events increases discounting of delayed rewards. These effects will be especially pernicious among populations with existing health disparities. Next, we outline interventions suggested by behavioral economics to mitigate the impact of COVID-19 on substance use that are aimed at increasing perceived costs of use; increasing access to substance-free activities, including treatment; and lengthening the timeframe for behavioral allocation and altering environmental contexts to promote healthy choices. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).Counterfactual thinking, or contemplation of "what could have been," influences facial expressions of Olympic medalists. Medvec, Madey, and Gilovich (1995) revealed that bronze medalists appeared happier than silver medalists after competition in Olympic events. Two prominent explanations for this phenomenon exist the formation of (a) category-based counterfactuals and (b) expectation-based counterfactuals. First, Medvec et al. (1995) demonstrated that silver medalists formed an upward comparison to the gold medalist with thoughts of "I almost won Gold" while bronze medalists formed a downward comparison to a fourth place finisher with thoughts of "at least I won a medal." A second explanation suggests that medalists form expectation-based counterfactuals in which silver medalists are more disappointed since their prior expectations for performance were higher than bronze medalists (McGraw, Mellers, & Tetlock, 2005). To test these 2 explanations, we compiled a large dataset of medal stand photographs from the Olympic Multimedia Library and Getty Images for the 2000-2016 Olympic games as well as Sports Illustrated's predictions. Using automated facial expression encoding, we conducted a conceptual replication of prior work and found evidence supporting both category-based and expectation-based counterfactual accounts of Olympic medalists' expressions. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).Decades of research has pointed to emotion regulation (ER) as a critical ingredient for health, well-being, and social functioning.  https://www.selleckchem.com/products/FK-506-(Tacrolimus).html  However, the vast majority of this research has examined ER in a social vacuum, despite the fact that in everyday life individuals frequently regulate their emotions with help from other people. The present collection of preregistered studies examined whether social help increases the efficacy of reappraisal, a widely studied ER strategy that involves changing how one thinks about emotional stimuli. In Study 1 (N = 40 friend pairs), we compared the efficacy of reinterpreting the content of negative stimuli alone (solo ER) to listening to a friend reinterpret the stimuli (social ER). We found that social ER was more effective than solo ER, and that the efficacy of these strategies was correlated within individuals. In Studies 2 and 3, we replicated effects from Study 1, and additionally tested alternate explanations for our findings. In Study 2 (N = 40 individuals), we failed to find evidence that social ER was more effective than solo ER due to a difference in the quality of reinterpretations, and in Study 3 (N = 40 friend pairs), we found that social help did not significantly attenuate negative affect in the absence of reappraisal. In sum, we found that social help selectively potentiates the efficacy of reappraisal, and that this effect was not merely the outcome of social buffering. Together, these results provide insight into how social relationships can directly lend a hand in implementing ER strategies. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).How does liking of a target affect patience? One possibility is that the more people like a target the less patient they are for it, because it is more difficult to resist the attractive smaller-sooner option to wait for the larger-later option. However, across six studies (N = 2,774), we found evidence for the opposite effect. Specifically, an increase in liking was correlated with an increase in patience (Study 1), and when people made decisions about a target they liked more, they were more willing to wait for a better quality version of it (Studies 2 and 3) and a larger amount of it (Study 4). This is because when people like a target more, they perceive a greater difference in subjective value between its smaller-sooner and larger-later versions. Thus, the perceived difference in subjective value mediated the effect of liking on patience (Study 5). Further, consistent with this proposed mechanism, we found that liking increased both willingness to wait for a better quality version of a target and willingness to pay to receive the target sooner (Study 6). These findings suggest that patience, in part, results from believing the larger-later reward is worth waiting for. These findings also offer practical recommendations for people struggling with impatience Individuals may benefit from reminding themselves why they like what they are waiting for. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).