Also, a significant improvement in both SBP and DBP levels was evident in subgroups with a lower (<30 kg/m
  ) body mass index.
 
  Synbiotic interventions may significantly improve SBP levels in adults.
 Synbiotic interventions may significantly improve SBP levels in adults.Phytosterols have been shown to lower cholesterol levels and to have antioxidant, anti-inflammatory and other biological activities. However, the high melting point and poor solubility limit their bioavailability and practical application. It is advantageous to modify phytosterols chemically and physically. This article reviews and discusses the chemical and physical modifications of phytosterols, as well as their effects on the bioavailability and possible toxicity in vivo. The current research on chemical modifications is mainly focused on esterification to increase the oil solubility and water solubility. For physical modifications (mainly microencapsulation), there are biopolymer-based, surfactant-based and lipid-based nanocarriers. Both chemical and physical modifications of phytosterols can effectively increase the absorption and bioavailability. The safety of modified phytosterols is also an important issue. Phytosterol esters are generally considered to be safe. However, phytosterol oxides, which may be produced during the synthesis of phytosterol esters, have shown toxicity in animal models. The toxicity of nanocarriers also needs further studies.Misinformation often has a continuing effect on people's reasoning despite clear correction. One factor assumed to affect post-correction reliance on misinformation is worldview-driven motivated reasoning. For example, a recent study with an Australian undergraduate sample found that when politically situated misinformation was retracted, political partisanship influenced the effectiveness of the retraction. This worldview effect was asymmetrical, that is, particularly pronounced in politically conservative participants. However, the evidence regarding such worldview effects (and their symmetry) has been inconsistent. Thus, the present study aimed to extend previous findings by examining a sample of 429 pre-screened US participants supporting either the Democratic or Republican Party. Participants received misinformation suggesting that politicians of either party were more likely to commit embezzlement; this was or was not subsequently retracted, and participants' inferential reasoning was measured. While political worldview (i.e. partisanship) influenced the extent to which participants relied on the misinformation overall, retractions were equally effective across all conditions. There was no impact of political worldview on retraction effectiveness, let alone evidence of a backfire effect, and thus we did not replicate the asymmetry observed in the Australian-based study. This pattern emerged despite some evidence that Republicans showed a stronger emotional response than Democrats to worldview-incongruent misinformation. This article is part of the theme issue 'The political brain neurocognitive and computational mechanisms'.Ideologically committed minds form the basis of political polarization, but ideologically guided communication can further entrench and exacerbate polarization depending on the structures of ideologies and social network dynamics on which cognition and communication operate. Combining a well-established connectionist model of cognition and a well-validated computational model of social influence dynamics on social networks, we develop a new model of ideological cognition and communication on dynamic social networks and explore its implications for ideological political discourse. In particular, we explicitly model ideologically filtered interpretation of social information, ideological commitment to initial opinion, and communication on dynamically evolving social networks, and examine how these factors combine to generate ideologically divergent and polarized political discourse. The results show that ideological interpretation and commitment tend towards polarized discourse. Nonetheless, communication and social network dynamics accelerate and amplify polarization. Furthermore, when agents sever social ties with those that disagree with them (i.e. structure their social networks by homophily), even non-ideological agents may form an echo chamber and form a cluster of opinions that resemble an ideological group. This article is part of the theme issue 'The political brain neurocognitive and computational mechanisms'.Understanding what motivates people to join violent ideological groups and engage in acts of cruelty against others is of great social and societal importance. In this paper, I posit that one necessary element is 'ideological obsession'-an ideological commitment fuelled by unmet psychological needs and regulated by inhibitory and ego-defensive mechanisms. Drawing from evidence collected across cultures and ideologies, I describe four processes through which ideological obsession puts individuals on a path towards violence. First, ideological obsession deactivates moral self-regulatory processes, allowing unethical behaviours to be carried out without self-recrimination. Second, ideologically obsessed individuals are easily threatened by information that criticises their ideology, which in turn leads to hatred and violent retaliation. Third, ideological obsession changes people's social interactions by making them gravitate towards like-minded individuals who support ideological violence.  https://www.selleckchem.com/products/oxidopamine-hydrobromide.html  As these social networks become more interconnected, they amplify one's adherence to violent extremism. Finally, ideologically obsessed individuals are prone to psychological reactance, making them immune to communication strategies intended to dissuade them from using violence. In fact, messages espousing non-violence can have the opposite effect by reinforcing their violence-supporting ideology. I conclude by presenting evidence-based strategies to prevent radicalisation leading to violence for individuals in pre-criminal spaces. This article is part of the theme issue 'The political brain neurocognitive and computational mechanisms'.